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Page 12, 21st March 1863

21st March 1863
Page 12
Page 13
Page 12, 21st March 1863 — THE RIOT OF TUESDAY THE 10th.

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Locations: Dublin, Victoria


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(From the Freeman.)

We copy from our able and truly national contemporary, the Cork Examiner, a description of the disgraceful and dastardly proceedings which were perpetrated in Cork on the prince's wedding day, as the response to the "placards". and handbills circulated by those who deem an insult to a lady, and outrage against public decency, the true mode of illustrating what they call the national sentiment of fhe country. The same course was pursued by certain pseudo-Nationalists in Dublin, and the same fruits resulted. Windows were broken— gentlemen had their hats and heads smashed—ladies were pelted with mud in the open day—the Lord Mayor —th popular Chairman of the Relief Committee—was ed within sight of the Mansion House, and over one hundred of the dupes of the stimulators to these disgraceful proceedings have been before the Police Magisstrates, and are some of them incarcerated in the common jail, laden with the contempt of all good men, and unsympathised with even by their ruffian companions, or their more contemptible stimulators. The same class of " handbills," containing the same class of exhortations against the " eldest son of the Saxon," and the " daughter of the Dane," were circulated in Cork, and when the Catholic citizens of the Queen of the South testified their sympathy with the youthful prince and princess on their nuptial day—the " unnational" crime of honouring the Royal family was punished by the smashing of their windows ; and, in the brutal frenzy of the moment, the Mayor of Cork was rushed upon and insulted in the midst of that city for which he had done so much, and has done it so well, and whose representatives have three times chosen him as their chief magistrate, as a mark of public gratitude for his local and parliamentary services to the national, to the popular, and to the Catholic cause. At one time it became necessary to call out the military, in order to protect the property and persons of Catholic citizens from the violence of the dupes of the "Friends of Nationality ! !" who degrade the name and dishonour the country by identifying the sacred cause for which true men bled with conduct that would disgrace the most debased and brutalised of our race. If there be a city whose wealthy classes are truly national above all others it is Cork ; and if there be a man who, as a citizen or a representative, has more than any other been the constant and unswerving friend of nationality and of popular rights, and who possesses for these qualities a larger share than any other of public confidence and respect, it is John Francis Maguire. Yet such was the frenzy and reckless-, ness produced by the pretenders to exclusive " nationality" that Mr. Maguire, as mayor of the city, had to call out the armed force to protect his fellow-citizens, and that force had to charge with fixed bayonets, in order to restore even temporary order. We ask, in the name of common sense and common decency, are these things to continue ? Is the name of Ireland to be degraded before Europe, and its national hopes identified with low, vulgar ruffianism ? Do the men who prepared and stimulated to these acts—the men against whom Mr. Maguire had to raise his warning voice in the municipal council of Cork—imagine that they are serving the cause of " nationality," or advancing " popular rights," by exciting the indignation of all that is pure, upright, and honourable, against the sentiment which these men have so flagrantly identified with the disreputable conduct we have described. In the words of the Cork Examiner, we " hope the authors of the placards circulated about the town in anticipation of the illumination in honour of the Prince of Wales' marriage, are satisfied with the manner in which they have done their work." We cannot too strongly commend the firm, prudent, and manly course pursued by the Mayor of Cork under the critical circumstances by which he was surrounded. All true Nationalists will sympathisewith him, and feel an honest pride at the dignity and calmness with which he discharged his duty, and at the successful manner in which, by his firmness, he protected property, secured order, and saved the misguided people from their own folly. Had he wavered for a moment the most fatal consequences might have followed. But John Francis Maguire is not the man to waver or falter. He knew that vigorous measures, if timely resort were had to them, could effect that which no force could accomplish if indecision were manifested for an instant. There was no indecision ; the Mayor of Cork, with the promptness of character which belongs to him, showed the rioters that ruffianism was not to be tolerated, even though " the 1 green flag" were used to screen its enormities. The force of legitimate authority was promptly opposed to the " handbill " rowdies, and, as the result of this act of moral courage and public duty, the Mayor was able to say, in the remarkable speech which we publish in another column, " thank God there is no stain of blood upon my hands."


In compliance with the formal request of the city magistrates, the Government have directed that a reward of 50/. be offered for informations leading to the arrest of the persons who committed breaches of the peace on the night of the 10th. It is intended that this sum of 50/. shall be divided into smaller sums.


(From the Nation.) The proceedings which have taken place during the past week at the Catholic University, with reference to the " illuminations," have a significance which c annot be ignored, and an importance which it would be difficult to over-estimate. The facts are briefly these :—The authorities of the University resolved to illuminate the building on the occasion of the prince's marriage. Upon learning this intention, the students took measures to remonstrate against it. The excitement amongst them on the subject was intense, and we are informed that on no public question, save the address of devotion to the Holy Father, was anything like the same unanimity and resolution displayed. There was but one sentiment expressed or manifested—that the illumination of the University, so far from symbolising their political feelings, was in utter violence to them. With a view to making known their case to the Rector, a notice was posted in the University Hall, convening a meeting of the students to consider the whole circumstances. This notice was torn down by the University officials. On Friday night, says the only published account of the transactions which we have seen, the gaspipes to he used for the illuminations were erected, unknown to the students. The following day, however, the gaspipes were cut, the gas fired, and other injuriesinflicted by the students on the illuminating materials. This was the first display of downright " insubordination." Next day the gaspipes were mended, and the illumination devices erected—" a Crown and Irish Cross, a Prince's Plume, and the Cross Keys." The students openly declared their intention of tearing down the devices on the evening fixed for the illumination ; and, secondly, at half-past five on Tuesday evening, the students in a body assailed the gaspipes and publicly tore them down.

The daily papers gave insertion to none of these latter particulars. The Morning News reporter named the University as amongst the buildings lighted, which was not true ; the Freeman stated that " owing to an accident" the Catholic University was not lighted. The Express assailed the University authories for the want of loyalty evidenced by their seditious darkness. The facts, however, were correctly as we have stated. On Wednesday the Rector had the devices restored, and, in the evening, lighted, as a vindication of his authority so flagrantly defied and offended by the acts of Tuesday. "Punishment of the ringleaders" is to follow, but we understand there will be a difficulty in awarding the title of " ringleader," such was the emulation in turbulence.



Sir,—I have been informed on the best authority, that a certain number of the students of the Catholic University got access to the room where the gas-pipes were, and cut them on Tuesday the 10th instant., the evening of the Illumination. Two of the students caught in the perpetration of this contumacious and disloyal act, have been expelled the University. In order to spare the feelings d their families, their names have not been made publie. —

The University house was lit up on Monday 9th instant. The devices were the Irish Cross, the Peter's Keys, the Crown, and the Prince of Wales's Feathers. The Dublin journals of Tuesday stated that this illumination had been made by way of essay. On Tuesday evening, just as the illumination was about to take place, it was discovered that the gas-pipes were cut. On Wednesday evening the University house was lit up with a beautiful device with the letters A. A.

Thus the hosonoof the Catholic University has been fully vindicated.

When the Times newspaper sneers at an " Ultramontane" institution, it ought to remember that those Catholics who are the most devoted to their Church, are always the most true to their Sovereign. Those who are loyal to Pius, will always be, for conscience' sake, loyal to Victoria. The Irish Bishops are resolved that the University shall ever adhere to those principles of loyalty and attachment to the Sovereign and Constitution of this Empire, which in their first address to the Irish Clergy and people in 1854, they declared should be one of its characteristic features. They look with horror on the Revolutionary and un-Christian principles of the Nation, and. journals of a still more atrocious stamp, between which and the Catholic Church there is an impassable abyss. Roping for an insertion of these few lines in your excellent journal, I remain, Sir, with much respect, Your humble servant, A CONSTANT READER. Dublin, Feast of St. Patrick, March 17, 1863. [We feel an objection to inserting this letter because it is anonymous, and secondly, because the writer, who is personally known to us, and for whom we entertain the highest respect, seems to us to say more than he can possibly know to be true, when he speaks of the feelings entertained by the Bishops of Ireland about the principles of the Nation and other journals. That part of his letter must therefore be taken as the private opinion of an anonymous writer, built, as we believe, upon no sufficient foundation. AS to the matters of fact stated by our correspondent, we can guarantee his good faith, and his means of knowing the truth. But anonymous letters on this subject will carry very little weight.]—En. TABLET: ST. PATRICK'S DAY.

The Dublin correspondent of the Times writes on March 18, of the celebration of St. Patrick's Day :—The anniversary of the National Saint passed off without any accident. It was apprehended that the mob, already excited by the illuminations, would, after " drowning the shamrock," give some trouble to the authorities, and that the holyday would not end without some disorders. But such apprehensions were not realised. The Brotherhood of St. Patrick held their " banqnet" in the round room of the Rotunda ; but in a place where 1,000 could dine, they mustered but 150. The only men of mark among !them were three editors, a Priest, and a grocer. The chair was occupied by Mr. Thomas Ryan, grocer, Brunswick-street. And among those by whom he was supported were Mr. Denis Holland, of the Irishman; Mr. Underwood, Mr. M. A. O'Brennan, editor of the Connaught Patriot ; and the Rev. Mr. Vaughan, P.P., from the county of Clare. The Chairman said :—" The first toast he had to propose was, Ireland a nation, redeemed and regenerated." The next toast was, " St. Patrick's Day : its duties and its memories." Father Vaughan responded :—Mr. Denis Holland, of the Irishman, responded to "The Patriot Saints of Ireland ": —" He was sorry that Irishmen whom they would expect there were not present. The O'Donoghue was not there ; reasons inevitable compelled his absence. Various other toasts were given and responded to in the same strain. Another division of the Nationalists held a similar festive meeting at Dalkey, and were addressed by Mr. J. B. Dillon and Mr. Sullivan,

of the Nation. The confederacy numbered about twenty. In Cork the disturbances were renewed on St. Patrick's Eve by the Nationalists, who are said to have broken the windows of several houses. They marched in military array through the principal streets. The magistrates were prepared with a strong force of cavalry, infantry, and constabulary, but happily there was no collision.

- WANTED-1,000,000l.

The .Dundalk Democrat insists that it would not be difficult but easy to raise a fund of one million sterling, and says :—

We have met no one who does not approve of it ; and only one, who whilst giving it his sanction has said he feared it was impracticable. We told him he was very much mistaken, as it was the easiest thing possible to collect 1,000,000/. sterling to win Irish freedom, and without which it will not be won.

It is not proposed to Ireland to rush into armed conflict, because she can achieve a great deal of freedom by a more pacific course. We are told by honest and experienced men that 30 or 40 real and true members in the British Senate would in a short time extort many good measures for Ireland. Now it is plain that unless we resolve to elect such men, it is only a waste of time to labour for Ireland with the sort of representatives we have. They have proved false to the people, and they will always prove false to Ireland. They are aristocrats or the nominees of aristocrats, mid they will not work honestly to win tenant right, or destroy the Established Church, the greatest injustice ever inflicted on a Catholic people. What, then, are we to do ? The proper course, in our opinion, is easily discovered. We must select our members from the mercantile and agricultural classes. We must elect intelligent and honest merchants and farmers, who know the wants of the country, and who would stand together in the House of Commons, ready to turn out ministry after ministry till they should find one ready to take up all the grievances of Ireland and redress them. Such a party as this, with six or eight speakers amongst them, would soon compel the British minister to bow his head in obedience to the powerful and commanding voice of Ireland. Why has not such a party been created before now ? The answer must present itself to every one—it could not be formed without a great national fund.

One million pounds sterling appears a large sum ; but it is not out of the power of 12,000,000 of Irishmen in Ireland, England, Scotland, America, Australia, France, Spain, and the East Indies to contribute such a fend. They could perform it in six months, if they set properly about it. Put the Archbishop of Team. the Bishop of Meath, George Henry Moore The O'Donoghue, Tristram Kennedy, Alderman Plunket, of Dublin, Smith O'Brien, and such Irishmen on the committee having control of such a fund, and let them appeal to the Irish people at home and abroad to contribute generously and promptly, and we are confident the stun required for Ireland's liberation would soon be in the committee's hands.

At all events, until such a fund is collected, let no one expect justice for the tenant farmers.


We have been honoured by a letter from Mr. Cartan, the editor of the Dundalk Democrat, which also appears in that journal's last issue. We publish Mr. Cartan's favour, regretting that the pressure on our space compels us to abridge his remarks.

Mr. Cartan says:— ,

'I am very much surprised thatea itende tier clear as yours should come to the conelueler you ben arrived at on my proposition to raise a National fund for the purpose of achieving the freedom of Ireland. It is as clear to me as the sun at noonday, and to thousands of sensible men in this country, that till such a fund is collected, there is no probability of our maintaining the slightest amelioration of the wrongs under which our oppressed people groan. Indeed the humblest man you meet in Ireland will tell you that if the Whigs are in the ascendant, they owe their position to the influence of money at elections, and that if the people have been defeated it was because they had not in their possession a sufficient quantity of the sinews of war.' And this is the truth. The National party in Ireland are inferior in wealth to the aristocratic party, and when a general election takes place, that side which can spend the most gold is sure to carry the day. The venal, the covetous, the lover of place, and all who desire to live in idleness and ease, crowd round the men who have most to give for their services and by the influence of the wealthy and the acts of these venal tricksters, the advocates of tenant right and religious equality are borne down and defeated.

" Hitherto we have tried in vain to obtain a redress of our many grievances. We have laboured for years to accomplish the task, but we failed. Why have we failed ? Because we have not fought our battles in a proper manner. We selected our armies from the ranks of our enemies. We elected members of parliament from the ranks of the aristocracy, o4the nominee of the aristocracy. In a few instances we patronised adventurers, who Spent one or two thousand pounds each in buying our support, and who invested this money in political affairs for the purpose of making profit, by disposing of their constituents' interest to the highest bidder.

" Was it any wonder that Tenant Leagues' and Independent Oppositions' broke down when they rested on such rotten foundations ? Can we be surprised that ' all our views have come to naught,' when we elected members from the aristocracy—who hate the people—to fight our battles ; and when we placed confidence in corrupt, trading politicians, who made promises only to break them, and who sought our confidence only to betray us in the day and hour of our trial?

" It must now be evident to you that we must change our policy, if we mean to succeed. "How, then, are we to act so that we may become the victors ? The old policy of selecting enemies instead of friends as our representatives must be totally abandoned.

" We must return plain, honest, sensible men as our members. We must give them money instead of taking money from them. We must, in fact, elect, them free of expense, and pay them for their services. We must not be extracting thousands of pounds horn candidates' purses, and after we have accepted bribes, and elected them, declare to them—' Now, if you don't vote and act honestly, you need not show your faces here again 1' Do you think that a man who has to pay 2,0001. or 3,000/. for his seat has any opinion of the men he was obliged to purchase, except that they deserved to continue in slavery ?

" The truth is, Sir, we must begin a new life, and sacrifice one million pounds sterling to win our freedom. Without this sacrifice we shall drift into a worse position. You say you have never met an Irishman who believed that the raising of one million pounds sterling was a practicable proposition.' What a sad blunder ! Why it is possible and practicable to raise not only one million but five millions. If one million of men pay 1/. each, the thing is done. If two millions pay 10s, or four millions pay 5s. each, the task is accomplished. You state that no attempt has been made to carry the collection into execution, and you believe that none such will be made, or would succeed if made.' You are right in a portion of these remarks. The collection has not commenced. But allow me to say that until it is commenced and completed there will not be any settlement of the land question ; and that hideous wrong— the Established Church—will remain before us, insulting our feelings and eating our substance, and the people will continue beggars and slaves.

" I treat as a simpleton any person who says thet if a National committee of the right stamp be formed, and issue an address to Irishmen at home and abroad, that a million pounds sterling cannot be collected. We in Ireland permit 20,000,000/. to be carried off from us yearly, and surely we could use a little self-denial and retain one million for winning the freedom of our country. " With that million in our possession, what a wonderful change would soon be effected 1 See the legion of new friends that would gather round the National standard 1 Could not an Embassy proceed to England and subsidise twenty newspapers there to fight in our cruise. Would the Times itself be proof against our advances to conciliate its support on behalf of down-trodden Ireland ? And at home we would carry all before us in fifteen counties and ten boroughs. We would clear Louth of Bellew and Fortescue, Dublin of its two anti-Irish Members, and send Mr. Cogan and all such characters into private life; and some fine morning land our forty true men at th door of the British senate to battle and conquer for Ireland.

" By this time I think the editor of the Tablet is convinced that this and this only ii the policy by which Ireland can sweep away the miseries that torture and afflict her. I entreat you, Sir, not to be dealing in quibbles and little crotchets, but to manfully acknowledge that I am right. You have bitterly complained that 21 Irish Catholic members have kept the Whigs in office to annoy and calumniate the Pope. But they have done more than that. They have enabled the Whigs to torture and empoverish Ireland, and they will continue to do so till you and others give your aid in collecting a National fund to drive such people from Parliament—a fund which I have named, and which I am confident will prove itself to be, The price of Irish freedom.'"


(From the Dundalk. Democrat.)

To-day we commence -the good work of collecting the price of Ireland's freedom. Let all men pray that God may bless this beginning. It is small, no doubt, but the big heart of Ireland will soon swell it to a large amount ; and anything that may be wanting will be supplied by Irishmen in England, Scotland, America and more distant lands and the U. we acknowledge to-day, may swell to 1,001,000/. before many months pass over our heads. The note itself may be a great curiosity in fifty years hence' when Ireland, we hope, will be a very dif • ferent place from wnat it is to-day. Our own subscription we could not refrain from giving at once, aftex the good example was placed before us. It is more than we can afford, but we are prepared to make some sacrifice for the redemption of dear old Ireland. Who will pay the third subscription, and who the fourth, fifth and sixth 2 When we receive 1001. we shall request a meeting to be called either in Dundalk or in Dublin, that steps may be taken to form a grand National Committee to take charge of the fund.

We subjoin the letter in which we have received the first contribution.

To the Editor of the Dundalk Democrat.

Dear Sir,—Approving of the principle you professed in your publication of the 21st ult., for the deliverance of my country from the tyranny and injustice. under which she has laboured for centuries, I send you the enclosed subscription of one pound, hoping that like the widow's mite, it may fructify, And assist in the amelioration of my count-, and eventually in its deliverance. O'Connell was powerless vtithout the Catholic Rent. When that _great fund reached the large Amount of 8091 and eyea 1,0004 weekly, Alte' Duke 'of Welton'atcpbert Peel said, we were in earnest ; admitted, ' Cud even pleaded our wrongs, and conceded a much larger measure of emancipation, than we, poor down-trodden Catholics, were at the time, prepared ,to expect. Si) it will be if your plan is carried out. Instead of a million pounds which you reciaire, let each county, as a beginning, subscribe the small sum of 3,000/. This for our 32 counties will make about 100,0006. Have that sum invested in the funds, before the next general election, and you will have a fund that will support and encourage honest talented men of eminence to embark their fortunes in our cause ; and you will besides have subscriptions from every part of the world where Irishmen are located. Allow me to subscribe myself,

THE SUBSCRIBER OF THE FIRST FOUND TO THE PRICE OE IRELAND'S FREEDOM, which, if backed up, will win just laws and prosperity for Old Ireland.

The First Subscription ... £1 0 0 Joseph Cartan 10 0 0 DISTRESS IN KERRY.

The following letter appears in the Cork Examiner :— " The Palace, Killarney, March 12, 1863.

" Dear Mr. Maguire,—My attention was attracted some time ago by an able article in the Times newspaper which, went to prove, from the diminished number of marriages, the extent of distress in the cotton districts of England.

" I wished to apply the same test to this country. As nearly all the marriages of our people take place in Shrovetide, and as their number at that season is principally affected by the preceding harvest, I have had the returns made from Ash Wednesday to Ash Wednesday of the last three years. " The number of Catholic marriages in the county of Kerry during that time is as follows : From Ash Wednesday, 1860, to

Ash Wednesday, 1861...' 1352

Do. 1861-62N ... 1212 Do. 1862-63, ... 834 " I leave you to ealculate the decrease per cent.

" The ,Catholic population of the county, according to the census of 1861, is 185,159.

" Those who are skilled in such statistics will be able to say how far the number is an index of the poverty of our people.

" Supposing the population to remain the same as in '61, the marriages are this year about 1 in 234. •. "According to the registration tables for England, in 1861 they seem to have been about 1 in 124 ; and I think I saw in the Home and Foreign Review that, according to a late census, in Spain they were 1 in 125.

" On matters of this kind, however, my sources of information are very scanty.

" The Protestant population of the county of all denominations is given in the census of '61 as 6,602. As these belong generally to the More opulent class, the number of their marriages is not likely to have beenuauch affected by the prevailing distress, and may thereftwe be assumed as a constant quantity.

"I remain, my dear Mr. Maguire, "Yours very faithfully,

rt " DAVID MORIARTY. " John F. Maguire, Esq.,,Co "